ilovebubbles

I. SUMMARY

We all ran inside but Jais didn’t make it in time. They caught up to him and he turned to face them [the company militia(民兵)]. They immediately clubbed him in the mouth, knocking out some of his teeth. It spun his head back and sprayed blood on the wall in front of the house. You can still see [the blood stains].

—Resident of Mandiangin, Riau province, recounting the attack on his village by civilian militias in the employ of the Arara Abadi pulp plantation.

我們全跑進（屋子裡）去，但Jais沒來得及。他們逮住Jais，把他一把轉向他們（企業雇用的民兵），他們立即用棍棒揮向他的嘴，打掉他幾棵牙齒。這一擊打得他的頭朝後，血全濺到屋前的牆上去了。你到現在還可以看到（那些血漬）。

－印尼廖內省的居民重述其村莊遭到Arara Abadi紙漿種植公司雇用的民兵攻擊時的情況。

The massive pulp(紙漿) and paper industry located in Riau province（印尼摩內省） on the island of Sumatra, Indonesia has received increasing international attention. The industry is economically imperiled（有損害的風險）– with debts of more than U.S.$20 billion – and is decimating（抽取） wide swathes（大片） of Sumatra’s lowland tropical forests, some of the most biologically diverse（不同） and formerly among the most extensive in the world. Yet even in the current climate of increasing international attention to corporate responsibility, relatively little attention has been paid to persistent violations of the rights of local communities who live within Riau’s forest concessions(優惠), peoples whose livelihood has depended on the forests for generations.

印尼廖內省的紙漿造紙產業（位於Sumatra島）已受到國際的與日俱增的注目。此產業正面臨虧損風險，負債超過美金200億，並且砍伐Sumatra島上大片的低地熱帶林，其中有些原本為全球生物多樣性數一數二高。縱使現在國際上更注重企業責任，然而仍相較之下，仍較少關心當地社區居民（廖內省企業特許林地）遭受之人權違反之情事，這些居民世世代代都依賴著林地過活。

This report documents these violations（侵犯）, and highlights the ways that disregard（漠視） for rights has facilitated（便利） the unsound（不健全） forestry practices that have produced today’s deepening cycle of economic crisis and rampant（猖獗的） deforestation（森林砍伐）. It concludes that addressing human rights violations should be an essential part of efforts to reform the pulp and paper sector by the Indonesian government, key players in the industry, and concerned members of the international financial community.

這份報告記錄這些侵犯，並且關注漠視人權如何促進不健全的林業實踐。不健全的林業將惡性循環，導致更加猖獗的森林砍伐。這份文件結論為，透過政府、產業中的關鍵人物和國際金融界的相關人員，改善紙漿造紙產業，並以處理人權違反情事應為基本方針之一，

The vast plantations（種植園） supplying Asia Pulp & Paper (APP)—Indonesia’s largest paper producer and owner of one of the largest stand-alone（單機） pulp mills in the world—were established in Riau during the 1980s and 90s largely on land unlawfully seized from indigenous（土著） Malay and Sakai communities, without due process and with little or no compensation. These land seizures（發作） took place under intimidation（恐嚇） by armed police and military agents. Expansion of wood-processing capacity beyond what plantations could supply, in turn（反過來又）, led to wholesale（批發） destruction of forests—an outcome which, together with companies’ hiring of employees from outside the province, has been devastating to the livelihood（生活） of forest-dependent communities.

龐大的林木種植地供應Asia Pulp & Paper (APP)公司－印尼最大的造紙商&擁有世界上最大的造紙廠－於1980與90年代建於於廖內省(Riau)，並在那段時間大量非法奪取當地住民（Malay、Sakai），未經過正當程序並且幾乎沒有補償，這些土地奪取發生在軍警與軍事人員恐嚇之下。木材加工產能的擴張已經超出木材原料供應的速度，加上企業大量雇用外地人，反過來導致林地的大量破壞－已經損害到當地人依賴林地的生計。

Since President Soeharto was forced from office by economic crisis and unprecedented（前所未有的） public protest in 1998, members of previously powerless communities have begun to openly protest the loss of their land and livelihoods. Frustrated with a dysfunctional（功能失調） justice system and the persistent unresponsiveness（反應遲鈍） of the state to their complaints, villagers have protested, in many cases obstructing（阻礙） company operations in order to get the company’s and government’s attention. These community protests most commonly include harvesting of plantation trees, land reoccupation（重新佔領）, charging “tolls” for use of village roads, or setting up road blockades（封鎖）, and at times have included seizure（奪取） of company vehicles and equipment. Such actions have been met with violent attacks by organized mobs of hundreds of club-wielding company enforcers（執法）, trained by and sometimes accompanied by state police.

自從蘇哈托總統因經濟危機與1998年前所未有的公眾示威壓力而被迫離職之際，當地居民從原先無力抗拒的狀況，轉變成公開地為他們失去的土地與生計而抗議。當地的居民對效能不彰的司法制度與政府魯鈍的反應失望，轉而透過阻礙公司運作的方式抗議，以取得企業與政府的注意力。這些抗議大多包含砍伐企業種植林的木材、土地的奪回、收取村莊道路過路費、設置路障，有時包含奪取企業的車輛和設備。這些行動也遭到了企業雇用的數百個民兵（揮舞著公司旗幟）有時甚至是警察的暴力攻擊。

This report details three cases of attacks on protesting villagers by security forces of Arara Abadi, APP’s primary pulp supplier and sister company (both are owned by parent conglomerate(礫岩) Sinar Mas Group).

這份報告詳細記載了三個攻擊事件，由Arara Ababi（APP在印尼的子公司與主要紙漿供應商，均屬 parent conglomerate(礫岩) Sinar Mas Group ）的維安部隊攻擊抗議居民。

In all three cases, Indonesian police, who trained the civilian security force and were present during the attacks, were complicit（同謀） in the attacks. Out of hundreds of assailants（襲擊者）, moreover, Human Rights Watch is aware of only two who were brought to trial, and those two, convicted（被定罪） of assault and battery, were released for time served (only thirty days).

在所有的案件中，印尼警方事實上是訓練民兵，並且在攻擊現場出現的共犯。此外，Human Rights Watch也注意到了，在數以百計的襲擊者中，只有兩個受到司法審判，因攻擊與傷害而被定罪，但僅被拘留短短三十天便被釋放。

Human Rights Watch does not condone（縱容） illegal actions by community members and recognizes the company’s obligation（義務） to protect personnel（人員） and property. The use of excessive（過度的） force by company-funded militias, however,
cannot be justified as a response to community protests, even where those protests themselves include illegal actions.

Human Rights Watch不願縱容由社群成員所組織的非法行動，並承認該企業之保護旗下人員安全與財產的義務。但，企業因此資助過度的軍事力量來對付當地反抗力量，無論如何，並不能因此被正當化。縱使是在抗議本身也含有非法行動的情況下。

The acquiescence（默許） of state security forces and, sometimes, their direct assistance in the militia attacks, moreover, has meant that villagers have no recourse（追索權、求助） for the violations. Impunity（有罪不罰） for those responsible for beatings
is directly fueling this cycle of vigilante（維持治安） justice.

國家默許這些企業傭兵，有時甚至直接給予軍事協助，此外，也代表了當地的村民在非法暴力情事發生之時，無法求助於政府。非法暴力「有罪不罰」的狀況，更直接滋長了私刑正義的惡性循環。

The attacks described in this report are only the latest turn in a vicious（惡性） circle in which environmental depredation（掠奪）and human rights violations have gone hand in hand in Riau.

在報告裡的攻擊事件只是環境破壞與違反人權的惡性循環中的一小節。

In order to appreciate how this scenario of violence developed and the wide scope（範圍） of its occurrence, it is essential to understand the history of the development of forest sector and financial policies in Indonesia. Community disputes（糾紛） against Arara Abadi are rooted in routine seizures of community lands during Soeharto’s “New Order” administration.

為了了解出這些暴力發展與發生範圍之廣泛，基本上要先了解印尼林業和經濟政策的發展。當地居民與Arara Abadi的糾紛根植於蘇哈托總統的「新秩序」土地政策。

Community members say that they were afraid to protest, because those who resisted “government projects” (as commercial operations were often represented to local communities) were frequently arrested or beaten by an unaccountable military and police who served as corporate（企業的） protection, and who were also direct beneficiaries of and partners in forest businesses.

當地社區居民說，他們不敢抗議，因為那些反抗「政府計畫」的人通常都被企業走狗的軍警逮捕或是毆打。這些人常常直接從與林業企業結盟而獲利。

Soeharto used the award of forest concessions（森林特許權的裁決） as a means of consolidating（鞏固） political power and prioritized（優先） industrial uses of resources over subsistence（生計） and the claims of local communities（當地地區的索賠）—practices that engendered（常表現為） deep resentments（怨恨） that continue to simmer（燉） even under post-Soeharto “reform” administrations.

蘇哈托利用森林特許權當做鞏固政治權力的手段，並且讓林地優先給予企業而非當地居民，也漠視了當地居民宣稱之所有權。這些行為造成的不滿，從當地居民的怨恨可以強烈地感受出，甚至在後蘇哈托時代「改革」政策之下亦然。

Government reforms have not yet made a difference on the ground, despite numerous promising commitments. The forest ministry under the post-Soeharto administrations of Presidents Abdurrahman Wahid and Megawati Sukarnoputri has engaged in dialog with international donors, scientists, and civil society organizations, and has promised to take action against rampant illegal loggers, clarify forest tenure（財產、租）, and link financial restructuring of heavily indebted（債） companies to downsizing（瘦身） production capacity（能力） to balance wood industry output with the legal wood supply. However, progress toward implementation(實施) of these reforms remains exceeding slow and fitful（斷斷續續的）, hampered（阻礙） by lack of political will and repeated top staff reshuffles（改組）. Meanwhile, land and resource conflicts between local communities, forest companies, and illegal loggers continue—a recipe for further violence.

政府的改革政策還未造成事實上的改善，儘管已有大量的官方承諾。後蘇哈托時代的林業部部長Abdurrahman Wahid 和 Megawati Sukarnoputri 參加了與國際捐贈者、科學家和公民社會組織之間的論壇，並且已經承諾會採取行動對抗猖獗的非法砍伐者、清算林地財產與租金，並且為債台高築的企業建構一套經濟重整方案：包括資本瘦身以平衡林業非法林木的產量。然而，實際行動的進展仍然緩慢且斷斷續續，導因於政治意願低落、政治高層不斷改組的阻礙。同時，當地居民、林業公司與非法砍伐者在土地和資源上的衝突仍持續不斷－這些都構成了更多的暴力。

To effectively address the violations described in this report, it is not enough for the government to curb militia activity（遏制民兵活動） and end impunity（有罪不罰）, though these are essential steps that can and should be taken immediately. It is also vital that the government take longer term measures to strengthen the independence of the judiciary and create a mechanism by which indigenous（土著） land claims（索賠）, which are recognized in the Indonesian constitution, can be effectively addressed（解決）. Although indigenous community rights to land are explicitly（明確地） recognized by the Indonesian constitution and forestry regulations require the consultation and fair compensation of communities whose land is required for the advancement（地位） of the “common good,” there is no legal mechanism for recognizing indigenous land rights by which people might effectively raise their claims. Many state officials and business leaders continue to operate on the mistaken belief that, in the absence of written title, local communities have no legal or legitimate claims.

為了更有效率的處理這些暴力行為，不只要遏制民兵活動、結束有罪不罰的現象，雖然這些都是基本的解決方法且應該被立即實行。但政府也應採取長期的措施，譬如加強司法獨立、創造當地居民索賠機制，其已經被明訂於印尼憲法屬於一種公共財，但尚未建立一個當地居民的賠償機制，其亦被明訂於印尼憲法與林業規範中，表示需撫慰與賠償土地所有人因該地土地變更為公共財時的損失。尚未出承認住民土地權利的法律機制，這機制將能有效地加強當地居民的權利宣稱效力。許多國家官員與企業領導人持續操作一種錯誤的觀念：只要沒有白紙黑字的書面證明，當地居民的土地宣稱便無效。

For the abuses（濫用） to end, moreover, the pulp and paper industry and international financial sector must be cognizant（認識到） of and take steps to address human rights violations associated with the industry. Following environmentalist campaigns and boycotts（抵制） against APP’s buyers in the U.K., some dialog has occurred between activists and company staff on how to improve APP’s operations. However, at present, these proposals do not adequately address（充分解決） human rights concerns, focusing instead on wood supply issues. APP should insist on and fully cooperate with Indonesian government efforts to ensure accountability for past acts of violence, and require that abuses are avoided in areas of future plantation expansion, including ensuring that subcontractors（分包商） who supply wood to APP are not violating human rights.

為了要讓林地濫伐消失，紙漿與造紙工業必須認清事實且採取聯合行動處理違反人權情事。伴隨著環境抗議行動與抵制APP英國採購商。一些抗議者與企業針對如何改善APP的對話已經展開。然而，目前來說，這些提議並未充分解決人權上的疑慮，反而將焦點擺在木材供應問題上。APP應該堅持並完全與印尼政府合作，致力於確保對過去的違法行為做出補償、確保未來的種植園未被濫伐與確保下游的分包商也未有人權違法情事。

With no rights protections in place, economic pressures could well heighten（增高） tensions between industry and local residents in the coming months, as APP expands its plantation area almost two-fold（兩倍）. Financial pressures to expand output are higher than ever.

In March 2001, APP failed to make payments on its massive U.S.$13.9 billion debt; it has avoided liquidation（清算） of its assets because of continued support and forbearance（忍受） from government restructuring agencies.
Meanwhile, many of APP’s foreign creditors（債權人） are in litigation（訴訟） against APP to be repaid（償還）, thereby creating considerable pressure on the operations to generate substantial profits rapidly（迅速產生可觀利潤的壓力）. The huge cost of the mill （成本）and the debt burden accumulated through rapid expansion of production capacity （擴張產能）have made APP “too big to fail” creating extraordinary financial and legal pressure to continue operations at current levels regardless of ecological or social costs, creating a risk that expedient methods（權宜方法） that could violate rights may be used to ensure the slim profit margin.

在沒有權利保障的狀況下，接下來幾個月內，經濟壓力可能會促使企業與當地居民的緊張升高，當APP擴張他的林地範圍兩倍大。經濟壓力促使產出必須比過往都還高。

2001，三月，APP未能償還139億元的債務，且逃過資產清算一途，因為政府部門的持續地忍受與支持。與此同時，許多APP的外國債權人正進行償還訴訟，因此創造了巨大的生產可觀利潤的壓力，運轉工廠的龐大成本和債務負擔加速了產能擴張，導致APP「大到不能倒」－因巨大的債務產生了巨大的經濟與合法壓力，必須維持運轉－至少在當前的生產水準，不管環保或是社會成本，這產生了一種人權上的風險：企業可能利用某些權宜方法以確保一點點微薄利潤。

APP/Sinar Mas Group has argued that expansion of its wood sources will reduce local discontent（當地不滿） and it has begun establishing what it calls “joint ventures（合資企業）” that in some cases will include community cooperatives. While a positive step toward broader distribution of benefits（利益分配） from the forest, without a commitment to ensure that human rights are not violated, these arrangements（安排） will not in themselves be sufficient to curb the abuses（遏制濫用）.
Practices of international lenders have also contributed to the problem. Forestry analysts have convincingly（嚴詞） argued that heavy borrowing by APP to increase capacity was based on the assumption—accepted by international lenders in part（部分） because they did not adequately consider the social or environmental impacts of the operations—that repayment would be possible because of APP’s access（通路） to an unlimited supply of cheap wood from Sumatra’s natural forests and pulp wood plantations.

APP/Sinar Mas Group爭論其木材資源的擴張將會將會減低當地不滿，並且已經開始建立所謂的「合資企業」，在某些狀況將會與當地社區合作。然而當一個積極的、針對更廣泛的林業利潤分配措施，缺乏承諾去確保人權不被侵犯時，這些安排將不會自動自發地去遏止濫用。

In effect（實際上）, production expansion in the past was based on the assumption that local communities would continue to be powerless and without a voice.

實際上，產能擴張在過去是構築在當地社群力量弱與無反抗聲音出現的情況下。

Today, as local struggles over land and timber increase, expansion rests on（依賴於） the assumption that APP/SMG can distance themselves from social conflict while continuing to reap the benefits of an artificially cheap wood supply. The international financial community should recognize that this assumption is not valid and assess the real risks that social conflict and rights abuses pose to the operations in which they invest. Investors should, therefore, institute rigorous assessment of rights into their due diligence procedures. (實行嚴格的評估，到他們的盡職調查程序的權利。)

今日，當當地對於土地與木材反抗漸增，產能擴張依賴的前提為：APP/SMG可以遠離這些社會衝突並藉由廉價的木材供應持續獲取利潤。國際金融界應該認清這個無效的前提，他們應評估真正的風險，社會衝突和侵犯人權，對他們投資操作。因此，投資者應嚴格的評估，並執行他們的盡職調查程序的權利。

The cases of abuse detailed in this report have broader significance than pulp and paper or Riau.

在這個報告中詳細闡述濫用的情況將對紙漿和紙張工業或廖內省以外有更廣泛的意義。

Although APP officials and local police maintain that the clashes(衝突) between company security and surrounding communities are being “blown out of proportion,” the scenario of resource competition（資源競爭的情況下）, unsettled land claims（未交收的土地要求） and social conflict, corporate violations of community rights（企業侵犯社會權利）, and an unresponsive and corrupt state（反應遲鈍、腐敗的國家） is a pervasive（普遍的） problem throughout the forest sector and economic stability in Indonesia more generally.

雖然APP官方和當地警察持續將這些介於企業維安與周圍社區的衝突定義為「很小的比例」，但在資源競爭的情況下，待解決的土地糾紛、社會衝突和企業侵犯社會權利的狀況與一個反應遲鈍又腐敗的國家是一個普遍的因素，貫穿影響印尼的林業部門和經濟穩定。

Local communities in resource rich areas remain plagued by poverty, and members of such communities increasingly are speaking out.
資源豐富的地區仍貧困纏身，當地社區居民對此表態的越來越多。
In response, private sector actors, often with assistance or acquiescence of law enforcement authorities, increasingly are relying on civilian militias, “youth brigades,” hired gangs, and vigilantes of various types. 在當地執法部門默許下，私部門越來越依賴民兵”青年旅團”，他們雇用流氓，或以私刑的方式存在。而在當地執法部門默許下，私部門越來越依賴民兵”青年旅團”，他們雇用流氓，或以私刑的方式存在。

Immediate state action to investigate past abuses and curb militia and vigilante activity is imperative（迫切的） to protect all parties from abuse.

This report is based on six weeks of field research conducted by Human Rights Watch in January and February 2002. Investigators visited five villages spread over three areas of Arara Abadi’s concession(讓步、優惠) in three separate districts of Riau province (Siak, Pelalawan, and Kampar) to interview victims and witnesses.

這份報告是基於6週的“人權觀察”在1月和2002年2月進行的實地調研。採訪受害者和證人，調查人員走訪了以上三個方面的阿拉拉阿巴迪的讓步，在廖內省的三個獨立的地區（Siak，Pelalawan，金寶）傳播的五個村莊。

In addition to villagers living inside Arara Abadi’s concessions, researchers interviewed company staff at headquarters and field offices of APP and Arara Abadi, as well as at the competing mill Riau Andalan Pulp and Paper. Researchers also met with local forestry and police officials (including provincial police and anti-riot Mobile Brigade防暴機動隊, or Brimob, officers), a variety of non-governmental organizations (NGOs), journalists, economists, forest scientists, private security firms, and local political figures. This was supplemented by（輔以） follow-up interviews from March to June 2002 with experts on forestry and governance.

阿拉拉阿巴迪的讓步內居住的村民此外，研究人員採訪了APP和阿拉拉阿巴迪，以及在工廠廖內 Andalan紙漿和紙張公司總部和外地辦事處工作人員。研究人員還分別會見了當地林業官員和警察（包括省級警察和防暴機動隊防暴機動隊，或機動旅，人員），各種非政府組織（NGO），記者，經濟學家，森林科學家，私人保安公司，和當地的政治人物。這是輔以（輔以）的後續行動與林業和治理專家從2002年3月至6月的採訪。